Italy Senate President Ignazio La Russa has waded into speculation over Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni's long-term political ambitions, suggesting she would be well-suited to any role "except Pope." The quip, delivered to reporters on Wednesday outside a Senate screening event, underscores a growing conversation in Rome about whether Italy's first female premier is positioning herself for the country's highest constitutional office—the presidency—after the current term of Sergio Mattarella ends in 2029.
Why This Matters
• Parliamentary elections in 2027 will decide the composition of the legislature that selects the next President in 2029.
• Meloni has publicly floated the idea of a right-wing President, breaking decades of unwritten consensus favoring centrist or technocratic figures.
• Two ex-premiers, Francesco Cossiga and Carlo Azeglio Ciampi, have moved from Palazzo Chigi to the Quirinale in the past, setting a constitutional precedent.
• The President wields significant emergency powers, including appointing the prime minister and dissolving Parliament—key levers if Meloni's coalition struggles in 2027.
What La Russa Actually Said
Speaking on the margins of a Pippo Baudo documentary screening—an unusually light-hearted backdrop for heavyweight political commentary—La Russa dismissed the notion that Meloni harbors any secret Quirinale campaign. "She has never talked to me about a desire for the role; in fact, she's told me the opposite," the Senate Speaker insisted. "But why should people be scandalized if, one day, the Prime Minister had the possibility to aspire to the Colle?" he added, using the shorthand Italians employ for the presidential palace on Quirinale Hill.
The comments followed Meloni's own televised remarks the previous evening on Rete 4, where she suggested it was time to "break the taboo of a right-wing President." That line sent ripples through Rome's political circles, with critics accusing her of treating the presidency as partisan spoils and allies arguing she was merely stating a democratic truism.
Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani, who doubles as Deputy Prime Minister, attempted to dampen the fire the next day. "There's plenty of time before we elect a new President of the Republic," Tajani told reporters on the sidelines of an insurance industry conference. "For now, we have this one." Pressed on whether he himself had presidential ambitions, the Forza Italia leader was blunt: "I have no ambition in that sense. Right now, I'm busy working."
The Constitutional Pathway
Under Italy's Constitution, anyone over 50 years of age who holds Italian citizenship and enjoys full civil and political rights can be elected President. The vote takes place in a joint session of both houses of Parliament, augmented by three regional delegates from each of Italy's 20 regions (one from Valle d'Aosta). A two-thirds majority is required for the first three rounds of voting; from the fourth round onward, an absolute majority suffices. The process is conducted by secret ballot, a mechanism that has historically produced surprise outcomes and backroom deals.
The 2027 legislative elections will therefore set the stage. Whoever controls Parliament in early 2029—when Mattarella's seven-year term concludes—will effectively control the succession. Meloni's Brothers of Italy party currently leads a right-wing coalition alongside Tajani's Forza Italia and Matteo Salvini's League. If that alliance holds or expands its majority in 2027, the path to a center-right President opens wide.
Historical Precedent and Political Reality
Only twice in the history of the Italian Republic has a sitting or former Prime Minister ascended to the presidency. Francesco Cossiga, who governed from 1979 to 1980, won the Quirinale in 1985. Carlo Azeglio Ciampi, premier from 1993 to 1994, followed in 1999. Both men had cultivated reputations as statesmen above party politics by the time they were elected—a profile Meloni does not yet match.
Traditionally, Italy has favored "second-tier" institutional figures or technocrats for the role: elder statesmen with cross-party appeal, jurists, or former central bankers. Mattarella himself, a former Constitutional Court judge and Christian Democrat stalwart, fit that mold. The presidency is intended to stand above the fray of party politics, serving as guarantor of the Constitution and national unity. Meloni's open identification with the right—and her party's roots in post-fascist movements—would represent a sharp departure from that tradition.
What This Means for Residents
For anyone living in Italy, the identity of the President matters more during moments of political crisis than in calm times. The Quirinale can dissolve Parliament, refuse to sign laws, and appoint technocratic governments if coalition talks collapse. A President aligned with a sitting government would likely exercise these powers differently than one from the opposition—or none at all.
If Meloni or another figure from her coalition ascends to the Quirinale in 2029, expect:
• Greater alignment between the executive and the presidency, potentially smoothing legislative processes but reducing checks on government overreach.
• Less institutional resistance to constitutional reforms favored by the right, including proposals to directly elect the Prime Minister or overhaul regional autonomy.
• Heightened polarization around national institutions, as opposition parties are unlikely to accept a partisan presidency without a fight.
The Names in the Mix
Beyond Meloni, several right-wing figures are circulating as possible candidates. Raffaele Fitto, currently an executive vice president of the European Commission, has built a reputation as a bridge-builder in Brussels. Alfredo Mantovano, the undersecretary to the Prime Minister's office, is praised for his legal expertise and low profile—classic presidential qualities. Tajani, La Russa, and Defense Minister Guido Crosetto also surface in speculative lists, though none has openly expressed interest.
Should the left regroup and prevail in 2027, Walter Veltroni, Paolo Gentiloni, or Dario Franceschini could emerge from the center-left. Technocratic options like former EU Commission chief Mario Monti or parliamentary veteran Pier Ferdinando Casini remain in reserve if political forces deadlock.
The Politics of Timing
Meloni's public musings on a right-wing President have fueled opposition claims that she is already looking past Palazzo Chigi. Critics note that her government recently abandoned efforts to pass a constitutional reform that would have strengthened the prime minister's powers while correspondingly limiting the President's. Some analysts interpret that decision as a signal: Meloni may prefer the Quirinale's sweeping emergency powers to the day-to-day grind of coalition management.
For now, the timeline offers breathing room. Mattarella will not leave office until early 2029, and the 2027 elections remain more than a year away. But in Italian politics, where five-year parliamentary terms are more theoretical than real and governments often collapse mid-mandate, succession planning never begins too early. The Senate President's off-hand joke may well mark the unofficial start of the next race for the Colle.
