Italy’s education policy stirs debate over foreign student limits, reopening decades-old guidelines
Italy’s government is moving toward a formal cap on foreign students per classroom, sparking a political firestorm as it invokes historical education policies from the late 1980s. Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni cited two ministry circulars issued in 1989 and 1990 when then-Education Minister Sergio Mattarella—now President of the Republic—suggested limiting clusters of non-Italian pupils to ease language integration.
Circular 301, issued 8 September 1989, urged schools to consider the linguistic and cultural background of immigrant students, recommending that no more than four or five pupils from the same country be grouped together per class when it served pedagogical aims. The document emphasized that schools should adapt to local circumstances, not impose rigid quotas.
The follow-up, Circular 205 on 26 July 1990, reaffirmed the guidance and added that distributing small groups across multiple classes was preferable to promote natural Italian language acquisition. It explicitly noted that larger groups could still be formed for targeted language instruction.
Both documents were advisory, not binding, and left final decisions to school principals based on regional demographics and student needs.
Meloni referenced the circulars on RAI1’s Cinque minuti to justify a new proposal to cap foreign pupils at 30% per class, arguing the approach is “common sense.” But the Quirinale offered no comment, and President Mattarella has previously maintained that schools must remain “inclusive and for all,” a stance interpreted as distancing from the current push.
Education Minister Giuseppe Valditara sought to defuse friction, insisting there is “no clash with the Quirinale.” Speaking from New York, he stressed the goal is to prevent segregation: “We don’t want the Alabama schools of the 1950s.” He clarified the cap applies not to nationality, but to lack of Italian language proficiency, and would include EU students such as Polish or Romanian children with minimal command of the language.
Minister of University and Research Anna Maria Bernini said the 30% figure is “reasonable,” but must be applied flexibly. “We cannot treat Milan’s schools like those in a small town in Calabria,” she noted, adding the measure will be formally reviewed at the Council of Ministers on Thursday.
Criticism has mounted from opposition leaders and education experts. Democratic Party secretary Elly Schlein accused Meloni of “a total lack of sense of the State” for invoking the president’s past role to bolster a politically charged policy.
Pedagogical associations warn the cap risks creating de facto segregation and overlooks critical nuance: many foreign students are native Italian speakers born in Italy, while others arrived recently with no language skills. “The issue isn’t where a child comes from—it’s whether they can follow lessons,” said an ANP spokesperson. “We’ve seen districts where forcing student redistribution would split families, displace entire cohorts, and worsen inclusion.”
Current data shows 931,323 non-Italian pupils, or 11.6% of Italy’s total student body, enrolled in 2024/2025. The concentration varies widely: Lombardy hosts 26% of all foreign students, with Milan alone accounting for nearly 80,000. Primary schools have the highest share at 13.7%, while secondary schools hover near 8.6%.
The government plans to pair any cap with 1,000 new specialized L2 (Italian as a Second Language) teachers, assigned to classes with more than 20% of students at A2 language level or below. A pilot program is also under review to require parents of children with severe integration challenges to enroll in basic Italian classes.
Across Europe, Italy’s proposed cap would be unusual. France, Germany, and Spain all prioritize targeted language support over numerical limits. In Germany, children undergo mandatory language assessments before entry; if needed, they join time-limited “welcome classes” for up to two years before full integration. France uses specialized units (UPE2A) with tailored instruction and gradual classroom reintegration. Spain regulates student distribution at the school level, preventing clustering without caps.
For Italian families navigating bureaucratic processes—filling enrollment forms, waiting for language assessments, registering with local school boards—the debate touches a raw nerve. What’s at stake isn’t just policy, but whether classrooms become engines of inclusion… or tools of division.
