The Italian Senate has concluded its amendment review of the electoral reform bill, paving the way for a final floor vote tomorrow morning that will send the contested legislation back to the Chamber of Deputies for a third reading—bringing Italy one step closer to its eighth major electoral law in three decades.
Why This Matters
• New parties face a quadrupled barrier: Political formations without parliamentary representation must now collect 6,000 signatures per constituency—roughly 450,000 total—to run nationwide, compared to 1,500 previously.
• Caregivers gain voting flexibility: Family members caring for relatives hospitalized in another region can now vote outside their registered municipality.
• Legal challenges are imminent: Opposition parties and over 160 constitutional experts are preparing appeals to the Constitutional Court, arguing the law violates fundamental democratic principles.
• Timeline is tight: The government aims for final approval by mid-October, before the budget session begins.
The Signature Barrier: A Fourfold Increase
At the heart of the controversy is the dramatic escalation in signature requirements for political forces not currently represented in Parliament. Under the reform advancing through Palazzo Madama, newcomers must gather 6,000 signatures per constituency—up from 1,500—translating to approximately 450,000 total signatures if they wish to compete in all 75 constituencies (49 for the Chamber, 26 for the Senate).
The law requires parties to present candidates in at least half of all constituencies, meaning even a reduced campaign would demand roughly 225,000 signatures collected in a single month. The reform also eliminates the possibility of digital signature collection, forcing organizers to rely exclusively on paper forms—a logistical hurdle that critics argue favors established parties with existing infrastructure.
For parties already holding at least one parliamentary group formed by December 31, 2025—including Italia Viva and Azione—the signature requirement remains unchanged. Those with only a parliamentary component, such as +Europa, still face thresholds between 1,500 and 2,000 signatures per constituency.
Protests Mount Outside the Senate
As senators debated inside, demonstrators gathered outside Palazzo Madama to denounce what they call a "law made to exclude." Alessandro Onorato, leader of Progetto Civico Italia and directly affected by the new requirements, led protesters in chants invoking President Sergio Mattarella as the ultimate constitutional safeguard.
Giuseppe Conte, leader of the Five Star Movement, joined the demonstration, characterizing the signature provision as "antidemocratic, illiberal, and unconstitutional." The former prime minister's presence underscored the breadth of opposition spanning the political spectrum.
In Campobasso, members of the Italian Socialist Party staged a symbolic protest at their national festival, tearing up voting cards on stage. Secretary Enzo Maraio condemned Italy's frequent electoral-law changes, noting the paradox of Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni celebrating her government's longevity while simultaneously rewriting the rules that enabled her 2022 victory.
Constitutional Scholars Sound the Alarm
Beyond street protests, the reform faces significant intellectual opposition. More than 160 constitutional law professors have signed an appeal warning that the legislation presents "relevant critical issues" incompatible with representative democracy principles.
Their primary argument centers on Article 49 of the Italian Constitution, which guarantees all citizens the right to freely associate in political parties. The professors contend that the signature thresholds—combined with exemptions for existing parliamentary parties—create an unconstitutional disparity that effectively locks out new political formations.
The Constitutional Court, led by President Giovanni Amoroso, has not yet ruled on this specific reform. However, in early 2026, Amoroso referenced landmark 2014 and 2017 Court decisions when discussing electoral principles, signaling that any new law will face scrutiny based on established jurisprudence regarding majority bonuses and candidate selection mechanisms.
Modifications Approved in the Senate
Beyond the signature controversy, senators approved several substantive changes during the amendment process:
The reform introduces blocked list leaders alongside a preference system allowing voters to express up to three choices with a gender alternation requirement. However, the elimination of the previous 60/40 gender quota for list leaders has drawn criticism from women's rights advocates.
The overseas voting system underwent simplification, reducing geographic divisions from four to two for the Chamber of Deputies (Europe and non-EU countries) and consolidating the Senate to a single global constituency. Parties with at least one elected representative from the previous election are exempt from collecting the 500-1, overseas signatures.
A redistricting amendment redraws constituency boundaries in the Province of Bolzano, adjusting political geography in the German-speaking autonomous region.
Caregiver Voting Rights Extended
In one of the reform's less contentious provisions, senators voted 95-2 with 46 abstentions to extend absentee voting rights to family caregivers. The amendment, sponsored by Senator Domenica Spinelli of Fratelli d'Italia, permits caregivers to vote outside their registered municipality if they have provided assistance for at least three months to a family member receiving medical treatment in a facility located in a different region.
The provision covers parents and cohabitating relatives of minors undergoing healthcare treatment away from home. Opposition parties abstained rather than oppose the measure outright.
This expansion builds on broader absentee voting reforms allowing Italians domiciled elsewhere for work, study, or medical reasons to vote in their locality of residence rather than returning to their registered municipality.
What Happens Next
Tomorrow's Senate vote is essentially a formality given the majority's control. The legislation then returns to the Chamber of Deputies for a third reading expected around September 28th. Minister for Reforms Elisabetta Casellati has signaled that no further modifications are anticipated, suggesting the government may deploy confidence votes to expedite passage.
The wildcard remains opposition requests for a secret ballot on the final vote—a procedural move that has frustrated government legislation in the past. Elements within the governing coalition have privately warned that a secret-ballot defeat would derail the entire reform effort.
Once definitively approved—likely by mid-October—legal challenges will follow immediately. Francesco Boccia, leader of Democratic Party senators, has confirmed that opposition parties will file appeals with the Constitutional Court and support any citizen-initiated challenges. The strategic goal is a ruling before the next election to prevent voting under a law potentially declared illegitimate.
What This Means for Residents
For everyday Italians, the practical implications depend on political engagement. Those satisfied with established parties will notice little change—familiar names will appear on ballots, and the preference system allows some candidate selection. However, voters attracted to new political movements may find fewer options, as signature requirements make ballot access prohibitively expensive for grassroots campaigns.
Caregivers caring for relatives hospitalized outside their home region should verify their eligibility for absentee voting, though implementing regulations will follow the law's final passage. The required three-month documentation period means families should begin gathering medical certification now if elections are called soon.
The preference system warrants attention: voters can express up to three preferences, but must alternate between male and female candidates or risk invalidating their ballot. This differs from previous systems and requires voter education before the next election.
Ultimately, this reform continues Italy's pattern of electoral law churn—eight major changes since 1993—reflecting a political culture where rules are rewritten to suit those currently in power. Whether the Constitutional Court concurs with that approach will determine if Italians vote under these new rules in the next election.
